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Sports-Pictorial.com
 

 

 

MARK A HILL: THE SPOKES OF NATIONALISM

 

Chapter 3:
Transition, Autonomy and Basque Domination in Cycling 1975-1996
 

 
Basque Nationalist Capitalism and Cycle Sport

Following Franco’s death Spain’s political future faced immediate crisis. Crucially, Franco’s 1969 decision to make the Prince, Juan Carlos, his successor and embodiment of continuismo, proved flawed as the new King favoured a cautious democratisation process.

The death of Franco was met with much enthusiasm in the Basque Country and quietly within other Spanish political circles, but the Prime Minister, Arias Navarro’s objective of a limited reformism from above, proved impossible to implement, as it was rejected by the extreme right institutions as too liberal. Conversely, the promised ‘Spanish Democracy’ project, announced by Arias on 28 January, remained unacceptable to the opposition parties as it retained features of the old regime.

Government remained under the control of Arias Navarro until his resignation on 1 July 1976.1 Juan Carlos appointed Adolfo Suárez as the new Prime Minister and it was under Suárez that a programme of democratisation from above was accomplished, using the legal institutions of Francoism, with the King’s support. Public opinion at large backed democratic reforms and this was demonstrated by the December 1976 positive referendum result. The abandonment of Francoism’s ‘organic democracy’ was completed by the first Spanish general election in forty years on 15 June 1977.2

Critically in respect to Basque nationalist revival, the election results proved a regionalist pattern to voting sympathies. Nationally, Suárez’s own coalition of Christian Democrats, Liberals and Social Democrats, the UCD (Union of the Democratic Centre), emerged as the strongest party with 34.3 per cent of the vote. The Socialists (PSOE) of Felipe González came second, with 28.5 per cent.3  In the Basque Country, the elections indicated that Basque nationalism had clearly returned as a political force through party representation, despite very high levels of abstention in the region. The key divide within the nationalist movement as a whole, was the question of autonomy, or separatism as envisaged by ETA. PNV concerns related to the issue of a centralised Basque government and provincial powers for the individual provinces within Euskadi. However, the most significant problem encountered by the PNV was that of negotiating the new constitution.4

The drafting of the Spanish Constitution began with the appointment of a seven man Ponencia (drafting sub-committee), following the 1977 election, comprised of representatives from parties with fifteen deputies in the Cortes. The PNV only had eight deputies and were thus excluded from the process despite protestations and the contrary inclusion of a Catalan representative, given they only had thirteen deputies. PNV attempts to alter the draft text concerning National Sovereignty and the position of the regional peoples within the Spanish state failed, as did negotiations to revive the Foral rights of the territories in July 1978.

At the final vote in the Cortes, 31 October 1978, the PNV were defeated on all contested points. The PNV abstained during the Cortes acceptance vote. Additionally, the PNV urged all Basques to abstain in the Constitutional referendum due to the Constitution’s violation of and non-recognition of the historic fueros. The referendum achieved an overall majority of 66 per cent, but in the Basque region it received a 51 per cent abstention rate and a 25.3 per cent negative vote.5

Conversely, the Statute of Autonomy negotiations 1978-1979 did ameliorate some of the discontent over the constitution. The statute was drawn up by the UCD and the PNV and was accepted by all major parties, including the EE, apart from the intransigent HB (Herri Batasuna). The subsequent referendum to approve the Basque Statute of Autonomy was a success for the PNV, with 60.7 per cent of those entitled to vote doing so. The 40 per cent abstentions were largely derived from non-Basque immigrants and die-hard separatists. A total of 53 per cent voted in favour of accepting the statute. Despite this apparent gain, the wording of the Statute was ambiguous as it appeared to suggest that the Basques had achieved a semi-federal status within Spain.6

During the regional elections of 1980 the vote for the nationalist parties increased on the state-wide election results, as table 2 indicates. Nonetheless, the divides within the nationalist movement that plagued it even during Arana’s days, developed a more polarised nature. The difference in approach of the bourgeois PNV (formerly in exile in France) and the multifarious factions of ETA and its political parties (of varying Marxist ideologies), such as HB, became clear through the return of Basque sponsorship to cycle sport. This increased the nationalist message and mobilisation through capitalism and sport rather than guerrilla activities.

Table 2: Election Results in the Basque Country
(Source: Politics in Western Europe, Dorfman and Duignon. Adaptation from L. Shand)

Regional Parties 1977 1979 1980 (regional election)
PNV 30% 27.6% 38.1%
EE 6.5% 8.0% 9.8%
HB ** 15.6% 16.6%  
TOTAL 36.5% 50.6% 64.5%
       
State-wide Parties      
AP 7.2% 3.4% 4.8%
UCD 12.9% 16.9% 8.5%
PSOE 26.7% 19.1% 14.2%
PCE 4.6% 4.7% 4.0%
TOTAL 51.4% 44.1% 31.5%

The Political Parties:
PNV Partido Nacionalista Vasco
EE Euskadido Ezkerra (Basque Left)
HB Herri Batasuna
AP Alianza Popular (Now PP - Partido Popular)
UCD Union de Centro Democratico
PSOE Partido Socialista Obrero Español
PCE Partido Communista Español

The revival of regional capitalist interests was boosted by the constitution’s consideration of different approaches to achieving autonomy. In the case of the Basque Country and Catalunya, an historical approach to their claims was adopted, enabling a ‘fast-track’ or rapid route to autonomy concerning taxation, regional police and regional government. Other regions, which the central government believed had less historical claims, were restricted to two more lengthy procedures. These were the ‘special regime’ and the ‘normal route’, both of which required large municipal majorities in favour of autonomy and in the latter case, a further five year delay after the statue’s approval prior to autonomy.7

Basque Cycling After 1975: New Era - New Heroes

The death of Franco, whilst prompting serious political crisis in Spain as a whole and pushing the issues of Basque autonomy to the fore, enabled a more explicit regionalisation of cycle sport. The revival of the Tour of the Basque Country in 1969, signalled the potential softening of the regime.

The Voz de España newspaper first put the race back on the road by running the race in conjunction with the Bicicleta Vasca stage race for four years. It was not until 1973 that the Tour of the Basque Country took on its old explicit identity. The Voz de España bought the rights to the race in 1973 and began to run it as a separate event to the summertime Bicicleta Vasca. The Voz de España bankrupted in 1980, but the post-Franco era enabled the newly re-established Basque Federation and Unipublic (the Vuelta organisers), to take over the race for a further two years.

Critically, the developing regional press was now free of the Francoist shackles that had impeded the sports commercialisation and in 1982 the Basque newspaper El Diario Vasco became the new organisers. The newspaper’s owners considered the race so important in terms of Basque national identity that they established a sporting organisation within the paper to run the event. Furthermore, in 1981 the paper helped establish the San Sabastian one day race. Later this became part of the World Cup Classic series from 1987, which its sporting organisation also ran in addition to the world class track event the Six Hours of Euskadi. Economically, El Diario Vasco support of the region’s cycle sport was unparalleled. The national organisation, Unipublic, was no longer required to support the Tour of the Basque Country, indicating a virtually unique form of sporting autonomy within Spain. 8

The Basque economic revitalisation of cycle sport during the 1980’s was aided by a new breed of riders heavily influenced by the Basque national cause during the transition to democracy 1975-1982. Most notable amongst these was Marino Lejaretta. Explicit about his Basque identity, in a manner previously ill-advised under Franco, Lejaretta replaced Ocaña as the region’s hero. In 1981 and 1982 Lejaretta won the San Sabastian Classic allowing El Diario Vasco to bask in reflected glory. In 1982 he won the Vuelta and achieved second in 1983. Remarkably, Lejaretta enjoyed a long career, winning the first fully professional San Sabastian Classic again in 1987 and he was third overall in the 1991 edition of the Vuelta behind none other than Miguel Indurain.

Lejaretta’s retirement from the peloton did not remove him from promoting the Basque identity. Significantly, it was Lejaretta who provided much of the impetus for the establishment of the Euskadi Foundacion and the development of the unique Euskadi Cycle team in 1992.

Marino Lejaretta’s success at international level also helped revitalise Spanish cycle sport as a whole. Between 1975 and 1980 Spanish cycling achievements were fewer than in previous years, reflecting the crisis of the domestic situation. During this time ETA activity reached its peak, with numerous bombings and kidnappings, much of which discredited it even within the Basque Country. The 23 February 1981 attempted coup of Colonel Tejero in the Cortes, marked the last gasp of the military right and coincided with the decline of the Suárez UCD government.

The October 1982 election of the PSOE government of Felipe González, saw the Socialists achieve 47.6 per cent of the votes cast, gaining 202 seats to the right wing Alianza Popular’s 25.89 per cent and 107 seats.10 In the Basque Country the PSOE share of the vote was good at 29.4 per cent, dwarfing the AP, whilst the PNV gained 32.1 per cent. The political wing of ETA the HB suffered from its acquiescence to the ETA terrorist activity and the widespread indignation this caused in the region, polling 14.8 per cent. 11 This momentous event marked a consolidation of Spain’s new democracy after the years of uncertainty and threats of military coup.

By the mid-1980’s Spanish professional cyclists were again beginning to dominate the international sport. Pedro Delgado’s rise in the sport also reflected very much a rejuvenation of the Spanish national psyche. In Delgado, many Spaniards saw a sportsman around whom they could rally, without the Francoist legacies of Real Madrid or the regionalist limitations of Barcelona and Athletic de Bilbao.

Delgado’s team sponsor from 1990 was the Spanish banking corporation Banesto, consolidating the strong notions of national imagery. In 1987 Delgado was second overall in the Tour de France, whilst his 1988 victory in the Tour returned Spain to the pinnacle of the professional sport. This win, though marred by a positive drugs test, which detected the masking agent probenecid, did not result in disqualification due to it not being on the UCI’s (the international cycling governing body) banned list. In any event it did nothing to quell greater Spanish national pride.

The Spanish public’s desire to concentrate on this sporting diversion from the political tensions of transition ensured that Delgado remained largely immune from scandal. It remains the case that the most bizarre incident in Spanish cycling history, was the events of stage 17 in the 1985 Vuelta. The race leader at stage 16 was the Scottish rider Robert Millar, but during the following stage he became isolated from his French Peugeot team-mates by a closed level crossing barrier. His colleagues waited for several minutes for a train that never came, by which time Delgado and a number of his squad and some other Spanish riders, including the Basque Ruiz Cabestany, were able to work together to ensure Delgado’s ultimate victory and a Spanish domination of the national event.12

Such controversies as the 1985 and 1988 incidents may have marked Delgado’s career, but in many respects his achievements in the sport ensured greater commercial interest nationally and especially within the Basque Country. Though Delgado was not Basque, his sponsor Banesto had significant Basque connections and was based in Navarra. Delgado’s time as team leader at Banesto also gave rise to a new talent in the wings, that of the Navarran, Miguel Indurain.

Miguel Indurain - Basque Icon or Navarran Farm Boy

Miguel Indurain, 32 in 1996, has achieved more than any other cyclist since the Frenchman, Bernard Hinault’s domination of the sport in the early 1980’s. In 1995 Indurain set a unique record by winning five consecutive Tour de France, becoming only the fourth rider ever to win five Tours. This placed Indurain amongst the ranks of the cycling legends Eddy Merckx, Jacques Anquetil and Hinault. Indurain’s Navarran birth place, Villava and the province’s historic links to the Basque Country have led to him becoming an undeniable icon to many Basques. In terms of nationalism in cycle sport, Miguel Indurain has prompted the most overt expressions of Basque imagery and symbolism ever focused upon one sportsman.

Delgado’s domination of the sport ensured that Indurain was able to rise within the Reynolds and Banesto teams without excessive media focus and pressure until the inevitable questions as to who would be Delgado’s successor? Banesto team manager José Miguel Echavarri was asked by a Spanish journalist in 1989, “Hey we are really worried about what’s going to happen after Delgado.” Echavarri’s response was “Take it easy, we’ve got Miguel Indurain.” Echavarri recalls the response, “ the journalist just spat out, ‘Miguel?’ as if I was nuts.” 13

With Indurain’s victory in the 1990 Paris-Nice stage race, media attention began to shift towards his career prospects. However, at an early stage the Spanish media discovered that Indurain’s personality was not easily penetrated. In 1994 a journalist for El Pais summed up, “He has never said anything interesting...like all peasants he is ashamed of talking on the record, he is afraid to show emotion in public.” 14

These characteristics had ensured that interest in Indurain had remained low as late as 1987. His inarticulate nature or unwillingness to be drawn, proved a clear limitation initially in media terms. Conversely, he was blessed with the good fortune to avoid conscription in 1983, due to an excessive intake that year. This enabled him to build upon his junior and amateur successes. During his first professional season in 1985, Indurain won a stage of the Vuelta, but it was not until 1990, that Banesto realised his potential and his suitability to replace Delgado.

In 1991 Indurain won his first Tour de France with a 3 minute and 36 second advantage over the Italian Giani Bugno. It was a stylish win and was only Spain’s third ever Tour win. Therefore from 1991 Indurain’s career became the focus of competing nationalist messages. 15

Indurain’s Navarran status made him a cyclist that could be adopted by Basque cycling fans and nationalists. With Delgado’s career waning, the sport appeared to reassert its regional bias. Wherever, Indurain rode, the distinctive Basque flag (Ikurriña), dominated the stage routes to 1996. Navarran or Basque, Indurain was adopted as the sports icon of Spain as a whole. The question of Navarra’s status as a part of Euskadi revived in a new vibrant manner. In 1989, a survey by the journal Diario 16, revealed that 60 per cent of respondents in Alava, Guipúzcoa and Vizcaya, regarded Navarra as inextricably part of Euskadi and that it should be annexed accordingly. To the Basques therefore, Navarra and Indurain were part of Euskadi. 16

This enthusiastic adoption of Indurain, posed a clear challenge to the sports nationalism of the Spanish state and the Castilian press. The failure of the province to join the other Basque provinces in their pursuit of autonomy during the early 1930’s, led to the home province of the Civil War conspirator General Mola, enjoying preferential treatment during the Franco dictatorship.

The Province provided considerable support to the insurgents, divorced from the other Basque provinces, by its reactionary and more politically backward rural nature. By 1990, in the post-Franco era, Indurain’s success as a Navarran, represented a second challenge to the sporting nationalism of the Madrid based media. Indurain was continually projected as a Spanish or as a Navarran champion, never as a Basque. This situation increased the existence of Spanish sports nationalism and the oppositional Basque sports nationalism throughout the height of Indurain’s career. As the Barcelona Olympics approached in 1992, Indurain’s decision not to ride the Vuelta in favour of the more prestigious Giro d’Italia brought cries of treason from some sections of the Madrid based press. In the Basque Country Indurain’s absence from the Vuelta drew little criticism as he continued to compete in El Diario Vasco’s San Sabastian Classic. 18

Indurain, remained however keen to avoid being brought into nationalist dialogue and debate. In June 1996 when asked about being Navarran he stated, “I was born here, I like this region and its customs, but I don’t feel especially patriotic.” On ETA activities he stated that, “ETA terrorists have the same lack of respect for life as any other group of delinquents have. The Basque Country is not the only place to have terrorists in that respect. What hurts is that human values have been cast aside.” On politics in general Indurain claimed it did not interest him. 19

Indurain thus, found himself part of a nationalist discourse that existed despite his opinions, but the media continued its subtle manipulation of the nationalist dialogue surrounding the sportsman. In 1996 the Spanish press and public awaited an historic sixth Tour de France victory. The Tour route passed through Indurain’s hometown, Villava, on route to Pamplona. Ikurriñas dominated the route and especially the towns. The victory was not to be, but whilst ETA threatened to sabotage the Tour and set off bombs in Pamplona, the Madrid based sports daily, Marca failed incredibly to picture a single Ikurriña in its extensive coverage.20 Conversely, Meta 2 Mil, a Basque based journal succeeded, as did most of the international press, in showing the mass of Basque flags. 21

Indurain’s domination of the Spanish sports media since 1991 assured his status as both a Spanish and Basque national icon. During the 1996 Tour, as the Indurain dream seemed to fade, the Spanish press appeared to come to terms with the reality that Indurain might be beaten. Marca began to define Indurain as a Navarran more explicitly once the famous yellow jersey could no longer be regained. Despite this, Indurain was unanimously lauded as a hero by all the Spanish press. Marca even established a phone-in so that supporters could give their appreciation of Indurain’s achievements.22  Behind the scenes however, Indurain’s relationship with the team management of Banesto had been souring since 1995. As rumours of Indurain’s early retirement grew after the 1996 Tour, so did talk of a rift with Echavarri and the Banesto sponsor.

Indurain’s January 1997 decision to retire completely from the sport and return to his Villava farm, caused a media sensation in Spain and a sense of national sporting crisis. Indurain’s enforced participation in the September 1996 Vuelta by Banesto is widely tipped to have been the last straw of a crumbling relationship and thus he retired despite negotiations with other teams such as Spain’s ONCE. The poor showing by Spanish cyclists and Indurain’s retirement, during the 1996 Vuelta prompted the Spanish newspaper ABC to report that Spain’s cycling had descended into “revolting crisis”.23

These reports of doom were exaggerated, as Spanish sports nationalists believed Spanish cycling faced a similar fate to that which befell Belgium and France after spells of prolonged success in the sport. This situation had effectively been produced by the nature and focus of sponsorship upon Indurain alone in a manner detrimental to the rest of the sport. This was not the case in the Basque Country. Indurain’s hero status remained intact especially in Pamplona, where he received Navarra’s gold medal of honour in December 1996.

Additionally, 60 per cent of Spaniards interviewed by Hablan magazine believed Indurain should be named Duke of Villava.24 Indurain’s guest appearance at the Six Hours of Euskadi track race received a standing ovation from the 10,000 strong crowd and was used by the Basque organisers to highlight his overshadowed Olympic time-trial gold medal gained at Atlanta in 1996. 25 It is therefore, important not to underestimate the role of Miguel Indurain to the projection of Basque nationalism. The Marca headline following the Atlanta gold medal read, “ The King is back - long live the King!”.

Euskadi - Cycling’s Heartland

Whilst Indurain’s status as a Basque remained open to question or manipulation by some, the rise of a Abraham Olano during 1994-95 enabled an unquestionable demonstration of Basque nationalist expression through the sport. Olano’s Basque credentials and willingness to overtly display them represented a God send to nationalism not seen since Lejaretta.

Olano’s decision to remain resident in the tiny farming village of Altzo, 50 kilometres south of San Sabastian, provided nationalists with a sports star that reflected so many of the requirements of Basque nationalism’s core doctrines. Olano’s home province of Guipuzcoa, unlike Navarra is unquestionably Basque; Olano even speaks Basque (Euskera) and lived in a traditional Basque farmhouse. His second place in the 1995 Vuelta and victory ahead of Indurain at the 1995 World Championships in Colombia ensured his elevation to a Basque cult status nearly like that of Indurain’s.

The transition to Basque hero was completed as Indurain’s retirement saw Olano’s recruitment to Banesto. However, Olano’s importance is in terms of what he symbolised as a representative of Basque sporting nationalism and as evidence of life after Indurain. The years of expansion in Spain’s economy during the late 1980’s ran out of steam just as Indurain began his domination of the sport. In 1990 Spain had eleven fully professional cycling teams, by 1996 there were only five. This apparent contraction of the sport’s economy was as a result of an unwillingness on the part of sponsors to risk money on teams whilst Indurain dominated the international and domestic sport.26 Manuel Castillo of Marca concurs, but notes that the Basque Country is the only region where this crisis can be overcome because, “the Basque Country is the heartland of Spanish cycling”.27

Whilst the major Spanish cycling teams such as Banesto, ONCE and Kelme typified the international pattern of sponsorship gained from capitalist enterprises and demonstrated the commercial popularity of the sport in terms of TV figures. In the Basque Country a new phenomenon germinated in the form of the Euskadi Foundation and its cycling team.

This project was unique in the sport and demonstrated the originality of Basque business and its realisation of the nationalist potential of such an overtly ‘national’ team. The original idea was that of José Alberto Pradera, former parliamentary deputy for Vizcaya. His vision was a team that would represent a country, but which was paid for by individuals in partnership with business. Pradera visited the Tour de France in 1990 with the present team president Miguel Madariaga. Aware of the imminent crisis in Spanish cycling sponsorship, concrete plans were in place after the Tour’s visit to San Sabastian in 1992, to create a unique form of a nationalist professional team. The three Basque provincial cycling federations co-operated with the scheme, encouraged by none other than Marino Lejaretta. 28

A subsequent survey of local cycling fans revealed 20,000 promises of support for an Euskadi team. By Christmas 1992 the team’s existence was officially announced. The team’s requirement for riders was that they had been based in the Basque Country as amateurs, including the French Basque departments and Navarra, which Madariaga explains is accepted as part of Euskadi by most people in the region.

Initial success in terms of results was limited as the budget of about three quarters of a million pounds could not stretch to high quality professionals. Instead the Euskadi project settled itself with a springboard role to the bigger teams whilst still gaining considerable TV coverage. This was a key aim of the business contributors. As team officials state, “ the aims are to sell the country and the country’s products and prove that we aren’t just a place where people throw bombs at each other”.29

Euskadi’s debut in the professional peloton came in 1994. Unique in the sport, the Euskadi jersey displayed no sponsorship names, only the colours of the Ikurriña. All sponsors, including those of business origins were simply listed in the back of the team’s yearly brochure.30 Early talk indicated that the management believed revenue gained through individual contributions might enable the team to make an offer to Miguel Indurain. This soon proved an illusion. The 20,000 promises of 1992 was undermined by the reality of only 3,500 individual sponsors each paying the equivalent of £60 a month. By 1994 this increased to 4,520 and in 1995 to around 7,000.

The aim during 1995 was to achieve 45 per cent of the budget through fans alone. The remaining portion gained from small business contributions has in some ways mirrored the early ideology of de Sota. The biggest sponsor in 1994 was Petronor, providing £125,000. By 1995 the budget increased to £1.5 million with over 800 businesses involved. Crucially during 1995 Euskadi negotiated a deal with Basque television, whereby in exchange for the display of the TV company’s motif on the jersey, the company would make up any shortfall in the budget.31

The idea to promote the region and simultaneously deliver a nationalist message through the team’s symbolic imagery, received a further boost in 1995. At this time the Tour de France organisers the Société du Tour de France invited Euskadi to participate in a number of the organisation’s races with a view to a place in the Tour itself. However, during 1996 the team failed to qualify and appeared unlikely to do so again by 1997. Nonetheless, the future of the team despite its financially precarious set up, highlighted by delays in paying the riders during August 1996, secured enough finance to continue well beyond expectations.32

In September 1996 ABC predicted the imminent demise of Euskadi.33  However, Basque bicycle manufacturer Zeus received payment for two years worth of bikes and Basque cycle clothing manufacturer Etxe-Ondo continued to produce the jerseys.34  Thus during a time when the Spanish economy contracted and cycling sponsorship declined, Equipo Euskadi provided evidence through its links with businesses in the Basque Country, that cycle sport provides a strong form of nationalist expression which transcends considerable economic problems.

Ultimately, the team has survived and evolved beyond all expectation. At the time of writing this revision of my original 1997 work, the current team is known as Euskaltel – Euskadi and is about to commence its second Tour de France.

Euskaltel is the Basque Country’s main telecommunications and internet provider. The arrival of their sponsorship in 1998 secured the team’s future and marked a shift from the traditional Basque national colours of the team jerseys to the corporate colours of the new sponsor. For the first two years of sponsorship the kit was, white, turquoise and blue, however in 2000, a radical change to bright orange and navy, marked perhaps one of the most successful and curiously intriguing nationalist statements in any modern sport.

During the last three seasons (2000-2002), Euskaltel – Euskadi has had astonishing success in projecting itself, potentially unexpectedly, as the embodiment of Basque nationalism in cycling. Qualification to and a stage win during the team’s first Tour de France in 2001, ensured a step change for the relatively low budget team to undeniable Division One status. Interestingly the shrewd adoption of the words Pays Basque, on the kit issued for races held in France paid off and in itself represented a challenge to the contrary nationalist point of the Grand Boucle itself.

Whilst the historical and political developments since 1997 remain to be fully completed and added to this study by the author, there is perhaps no greater image of Basque nationalism in cycling than the scenes at Luz Ardiden. It was there that an incredible sea of orange clad fans and waving Ikurriñas marked Roberto Laiseka’s impressive mountain top victory for the team and his homeland – Euskadi.

Footnotes:

1. Carr, Modern Spain. p174
2. Ibid. p175
3. Preston, Triumph of Democracy, p119
4. L. Shand, “The Basque Region of Northern Spain”, LSE, unpublished MA theseis, 1989. p16
5. Ibid. p21
6. Ibid. p26
7. Ibid. p28
8. Cycle Sport, May 1995. p73
9. Euskadi Foundacion, Team Brochure, Number 3, 1996.
10. Preston, The Triumph of Democracy in Spain. pp225-226
11. L. Shand, LSE, MA thesis. p9
12. El Pais, 15 July, 1994. p60
13. Cycle Sport, March 1997. p20
14. Ibid. p21
15. Ibid. p61
16. Diario 16, 19 February 1989.
17. Gazzetto Dello Sport, 5 January 1997.
18. El Diario Vasco : Organizaciones Deportivas, San Sabastian Classic race programme 1996.
19. Cycle Sport, Interview with Indurain, July 1996. p20
20. Cycling Weekly, 6 and 20 July 1996. p6
21. Marca, 18 July 1996.
22. Marca, 17 July 1996.
23. ABC, 29 September 1996. p92
24. Cycle Sport, February 1997. p10
25. Cycle Sport, April 1997. p40
26. Cycle Sport, March 1996. p61: opinion expressed by Jeff Van Looy, Meta 2 Mil.
27. Ibid. p47
28. Cycle Sport, November 1995. pp50-53
29. Ibid. p50
30. Euskadi Equipo Ciclista, Team brochure 1996.
31. Cycle Sport, November 1995. p53
32. Cycle Sport, November 1996. p11
33. ABC, 29 September 1996. p92
34. Information obtained from conversations between the author and owner of Prendas Ciclismo - UK sole importer of Etxe-Ondo.
 

 

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